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Latin American Pentecostalism: Social Capital, Networks, and Politics
Douglas Petersen
In less than a century the Pentecostal Movement evolved from a small rag-tag band of Christian believers to a worldwide movement with an esti- mated 500 million adherents. In few places has the growth been faster than in Latin America. Although the early participants in the movement were on the margins of society—“the loose dust of the earth for the wind to blow away,” as described not so long ago by one Latin American the- ologian—the rippling waves of the Pentecostal experience have flowed into almost every sector of religious and social society.
Stereotypical Paradigms and the Need for Empirical Research
The spread of Pentecostalism throughout Latin America is an impor- tant socio-religious phenomenon whose origins and rapid growth have been the focus of considerable scholarly investigation, especially during this past decade. However, while the quantity of the literature on Latin American Pentecostalism is massive and growing monthly, for the most part studies have been generic and are now repetitive.
In spite of recent analyses, many of the Pentecostal nuances—if not major concerns of Pentecostals—are often lost to scholars working from outside the movement to discern how participants evaluate their own activ- ities.1 In the past, social science studies generally attributed the growth of Pentecostalism to a dislocation of the masses brought about by economic deprivation, the breakdown of traditional society, and the consequent loss
1
Among Pentecostals, scholars would be Juan Sepúlveda, Norberto Saracco, Bernardo Campos, Manuel Gaxiola-Gaxiola, Jorge Gómez, and Everett Wilson. All scholars doing research on Pentecostals are indebted to the numerous contributions of Walter Hollenweger, including his classic The Pentecostals(Minneapolis: Augsburg Publishing, 1972, and revised and updated in 1997). For an excellent bibliography on Latin American Pentecostals see Dr. Ed Cleary’s web site at providence.edu/las/pai.htm. In this essay, we will not always include full bibliographic references.
© 2004 Brill Academic Publishers, Inc., Boston pp. 293–306
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of traditional values.2 Later assessments of Pentecostalism have tended to perpetuate similar defective assumptions and inadequate explanations about the character and development of the movement. Many scholars assumed that Pentecostals were indifferent and even obstructionist to the funda- mental issues of social injustice, discrimination, corruption, and poverty often characteristic of Latin American life.3 Not the least criticism to sur- face has been Pentecostalism’s apparent compromise with dictatorships and reactionary sectors of the Latin American republics.4
Clearly, until comprehensive empirical data provide precise definitions, quantification, and description of group functions and resources, only ten- tative conclusions are possible.5 While quality empirical research may be lacking, there is a wellspring of pertinent information contained in exist- ing denominational reports and occasional studies adequate to support initial inclinations regarding social and political dimensions of Latin American Pentecostalism. The information routinely gathered by many Pentecostal groups, while not readily accessible to academic researchers, often includes—besides the numbers, locations, and character of church congregations—considerable particulars about the leadership, levels of education, and years of experience. Furthermore, national church leaders
2
The now classic study by Christian Lalive d’Epinay, El refugio de las masas: estu- dio sociológico del protestantismo chileño (Santiago: Editorial del Pacífico, 1968), and later published in English as Haven of the Masses: A Study of the Pentecostal Movement in Chile (London: Lutterworth, 1969), tends to adopt the deprivation views of preceding scholars, especially the revitalization theory of Anthony F. C. Wallace, “Revitalization Movements,” American Anthropology 58 (April 1956): 264–81.
3
Beginning with the benchmark publication of David Martin, Tongues of Fire (Oxford: Blackwell, 1990). Also significant are David Stoll, Is Latin America Turning Protestant? (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990) and Harvey Cox, Fire from Heaven (New York: Addison-Wesley Publishing Company, 1995). Among other conclusions, they all argue that Pentecostals act typically and independently of the industrial nations’ religious agen- cies, and that contrary to conventional expectations, Pentecostals demonstrate considerable social concern with initiatives that challenge traditional elitist patterns. I have treated most of these issues in Not by Might Nor by Power: A Pentecostal Theology of Social Concern (Oxford: Regnum Books, 1996).
4
For political concerns see my article, “Toward a Latin American Pentecostal Political Praxis,” Transformation 14 (January/March 1997): 30–33.
5
For example, while the overwhelming majority of Pentecostals would still be counted among the poorer social sectors, collectively their resources are immense. In Costa Rica, ten of the main properties owned by Las Asambleas de Dios would have an estimated value in excess of $15 million. This amount does not include the denomination’s hundreds of local churches, nor its respective properties. The value of total holdings in Latin America must be astronomical. I am not sure of the importance of all this, except that the considerable worth of physical resources is a dramatic paradigm shift from the equally startling scarcity of just twenty-five years ago.
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and many local pastors are in a position to provide insight into the process of inclusion of new members, attrition, internal discipline, the composi- tion of each group in regards to gender, social class, social status, region, longevity, and forms of participation within congregations. This informa- tion, together with my experience and observations as participant-observer, informs a cautious analysis.
The rapidity of paradigm changes within Latin American Pentecostalism defies accurate and up-to-date description and analysis. The exponential growth of this religious and social phenomenon has created a variety of paradigmatic swings that are already apparent if somewhat ambiguous. Nonetheless, the changes and shifts are real. This essay focuses first upon the dynamics of one of the most significant of these paradigm shifts: the emergence and political import of what appears to be a burgeoning pop- ular social movement exploding from a not-so-long-ago “brush-arbor” handful to a critical mass of social networks that currently numbers 50 million members and adherents (give or take a few million).6 We then turn to an assessment of the nature of Pentecostalism’s accumulation of social capital and its ever-expanding social networks, followed by an analysis unheard of twenty-five years ago—the relationship between the accumu- lation of social capital and the larger national arena of civil and political society. The essay concludes with the potential for Pentecostals to apply their influence and social capital in community-based efforts and institu- tions as a viable alternative option to direct political involvement.
The Emergence of Pentecostalism as a Popular Social Movement
Pentecostalism increasingly is viewed as the prevailing form of Pro- testantism in the region. Recognizing that Pentecostals may be assuming a significant social or political role, scholars have begun to research the movement’s social and institutional development. Observers have noted that grass-roots Pentecostal networks possess features and functions sim- ilar to a popular social movement (PSM) and could well have the capacity for altering existing societal structures over the long term (e.g., by address- ing traditional machismo and by changing the public roles of women).7
6
It is not so long ago that Pentecostals referred to themselves as “los cuatro gatos,” the Spanish equivalent to “a baker’s dozen.”
7
I define a popular social movement as a group with high levels of popular participa- tion, working together in religious or socioeconomic contexts, usually resistant to the sta- tus quo, and determined by their actions to alter existing situations and create for themselves
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According to Professors Edward Cleary and Hannah Stewart-Gambino, “the region’s Pentecostals possibly represent the most independent, self- initiated popular movement to be found in Latin America today.”8
During the movement’s formative years, Pentecostals were, with few exceptions, drawn from the rural sectors suffering from dislocation. The demographic profiles establish circumstantially the plight of large pro- portions of the population and imply, moreover, that the substantial reli- gious changes that occurred were related to social concerns. Specifically, people that had enjoyed a measure of security and personal contentment in previous years found themselves victims of sweeping economic changes that not only adversely affected their livelihoods but also offended their self-esteem and sense of morality. The course of the movement’s devel- opment roughly corresponds to the successive social crises within the region, most notably—besides natural disasters and civil conflicts—the secular deterioration of the campesinos and the beginnings of large-scale migrations to the cities.
Increasingly, there has been scholarly support for viewing Latin American Pentecostalism as essentially a popular social movement provoked by the disruptive conditions of life experienced by the common people, thus making social or personal crisis (and its solution) one of its distinguish- ing features. By its democratization of religious life, its promise of phys- ical and social healing, its compassion for the socially alienated, and its insistence that all human ills were at root a consequence of moral evil, Pentecostalism addressed the concerns of the disinherited, frustrated, and assertive persons who in large part made up the movement. The Pentecostals’ potential for taking action appropriate to the needs of constituents, rather than allegiance to a specific ideology, constituted the movement’s social philosophy.
Pentecostalism brings distinct features and tendencies to developing cultures that helps its members find broad acceptance in Latin American culture. It provides specific outlooks, values, and opportunities for the movements’ adherents, including new opportunities for expression that are regularly denied the poor and disadvantaged. They develop a sense of self- esteem by arming themselves with skills applicable to the larger social
free social space. The best book on Pentecostals and machismo is Elizabeth Brusco’s The Reformation of Machismo (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1995). Also, see several con- tributions regarding Pentecostalism and women by Cornelia Butler Flora and Carol Drogus.
8
Edward L. Cleary and Hannah Stewart-Gambino, eds., Power, Pentecostals, and Politics (Boulder: Westview Press, 1997), 231.
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system. Their faith provides them hope and offers moral support for stand- ing up to diversity. If Pentecostals have been willing to forego some minor rewards and pleasures (especially the common vices, conviviality and peer acceptance) for the sake of realizing their vision of establishing a radi- cally separate pattern of life, they have nonetheless been remarkably real- istic in functioning within the temporal world. By establishing mechanisms for confronting their own concerns, Pentecostals acquire the institutional strength and resources to address the human needs of the societies in which they live. Pentecostalism, in these social and secular arenas, presents a positive contribution to the resolution of difficulties for large numbers of Latin Americans.
Social Capital and Social Networks
Pentecostals create their own separate community and in the process establish a staging area from which they might more effectively operate. This church community provides not only social recognition but also offers its members a platform of opportunities not generally available to unaffiliated Latin Americans.9An informal apprenticeship program encourages leader- ship at all levels.
Beyond the opportunity for expression, new converts have demands imposed upon them that not only affect their time and resources, but also strongly encourage the development of their communication and organi- zational skills. Converts to Pentecostal churches typically find themselves involved in a great deal of structured activity. Immediately upon conver- sion the new believers, regardless of social class or economic standing, are given something to do. Responsibility for the cleaning of the templo, ushering, or leading the song service, along with street and personal evan- gelism, are understood as tasks to be carried out by all. Recognition of one’s leadership, and other contributions to the survival and growth of the congregation, become circular as members are encouraged to invest increas- ingly in the “work” (la obra) and assume still greater responsibility for its development.
The apprenticeship system, which begins with fulfilling the daily needs of the local congregation, quickly expands, especially for those who demon- strate gifts, into teaching a Sunday School class, preaching during the weeknight services, and, for the most apt, the opportunity to “pastor” a
9
This section follows Not by Might, 121–45.
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campo blanco (home Bible study). Bible school training, informally given by the pastor or presented through the local Bible institute, quickly fol- lows as an equipping complement for the new worker. Within a relatively short time a new believer has been involved in a myriad of opportunities for leadership and likewise to receive training, albeit not always adequate, in order to provide the basic orientation to develop successfully as a leader. Rather than being “a prefabricated model imposed on the church because of intellectual qualifications of his privileged status,” the young leader, unlike so many of his counterparts in the mainline churches, is permitted to develop within and consequently authentically represent the social and economic context of the group he or she serves.10 The emerging Pentecostal leader produced by this informal apprenticeship system is “contextual and indigenous” with the qualifications necessary to minister on the popular level.11
The participation of women is also apparent in the leadership devel- opment apprenticeship system. Some observers have tended to see Pentecostal churches as essentially a protest mounted by women in what could be considered a response to social class or to ethnic disqualification. Martin notes that “women are among the ‘voiceless’ given a new tongue in the circle of Pentecostal communication.”12 In particular, women in Latin American society suffer from a lack of self-worth and self-accep- tance. The conversion experience, for such people, means an acceptance of self and sense of destiny. Paradoxically, by following the commands of the Bible a woman, instead of being dependent upon the desires of her husband, senses a divine confidence and authority to speak to him when his behavior is contrary to God’s laws.13 The husband’s moral deviations no longer are seen as the inevitable foibles of machismo, but rather as actions contrary to God’s laws.14 For many Pentecostal women, their deci- sion to convert has resulted in a sense of equality that has permitted them to gain control of their domestic affairs.15 The self-awareness, skills, and
10
J. Norberto Saracco, “Type of Ministry Adopted by Latin American Pentecostal Churches,” International Review of Mission 66 (January 1977): 66–67.
11
Ibid.
12
Martin, Tongues of Fire, 180.
13
Ibid.
14
Cornelia Butler Flora, “Pentecostal Women in Colombia,” in The Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 17 (November 1975): 412–13.
15
John Burdick, “Rethinking the Study of Social Movements,” in The Making of Social Movements in Latin America, ed., Arturo Escobar and Sonia Alvarez (Boulder: Westview Press, 1992), 177.
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roles learned in the context of the congregation transfer to their familial relationships in the home and to leadership options and social functions within the local community. The women, who in marginalized society may not be offered the opportunity to develop a few of their gifts, are admitted to leadership ranks at almost every level within the local church, includ- ing, in many countries, the right to occupy the office of pastor.
Everett Wilson describes the apprenticeship process: “A ladder of career opportunity could take a capable member of a congregation from the posi- tion of deacon or obrero (lay pastor) to the elected position of a pastor, to that of a presbyter of several churches, to an executive position repre- senting several dozen churches and [ultimately] to one of several elected national positions.”16
It is helpful here to view this emerging popular social movement through the lens of Robert Putnam’s theory of “social capital.” Putnam defines social capital as “trust, norms, and networks, that improves the efficiency of society by facilitating coordinated actions.”17 The central premise of social capital theory is that the “value” of social networks, if focused, can lead to the formation of a politically empowered civic society able to bring democratic accountability to ruling institutions. Proponents contend that the civic virtue that results from these horizontal linkages is at its best when networks are tightly knit together by mutual obligation and shared concerns.
The emergence of Pentecostals as a popular social movement—exhibit- ing horizontal networks, fellowship, and reciprocity—certainly meets, and by all measures surpasses, the minimum definitional prerequisites set by Putnam and others in delineating a social capital threshold and should then, according to the theory, position the movement for political action.18 It seems to me, however, that it is appropriate to query the premise that the social capital and networks generated by a Pentecostal popular social move- ment necessarily promulgates a robust citizenry and observable high-level political action. According to the theory the movement is ripe for politi- cal action. The apparent question follows: “Why have not Latin American Pentecostals ‘flexed their muscle’ on the national political level?”
The answer could be explained in part by the heterogeneous character
16
Everett A. Wilson, “Latin American Pentecostalism: Challenging the Stereotypes of Pentecostal Passivity,” Transformation 11 (January/March 1994): 20.
17
Robert D. Putnam, Making Democracy Work (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), 167.
18
Ibid.
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of the movement. Just as a coherent theological articulation of Pentecostalism is uneven, the political leanings of the movement are just as difficult to identify or categorize. Absent a political party platform that infringes on their religious liberties and would unite them, Latin American Pentecostals, unlike North American Pentecostals, are scattered all over the political spectrum. It is not uncommon to find Pentecostals identifying with polit- ical parties as diverse and opposed to one another as social democrats and the once-armed revolutionary movements. Granted empirical evidence is lacking, but insiders can easily observe in some countries that entire geo- graphic segments of churches within the same denomination may have differing political allegiances from each other.
One needs to look no further than a middle-class Pentecostal church parking lot around the time of national elections to see the degree of inclu- siveness. The political propaganda present, ranging from bumper stickers to car antenna party flags, is more likely to suggest to a novice onlooker the appearance of a bipartisan political event than a gathering of believers.19
Another piece of the explanation for the lack of Pentecostal political power besides the heterogeneous character of the movement, and a rea- son much more pervasive, is the inherent fallacy of theories that conduct social analysis in a vacuum. Conference papers, journal articles, and books abound critiquing Latin American Pentecostals for their neglect and lack of political involvement. The pleas from scholars, including myself in the past, to encourage Pentecostals to break out of their “substitute societies” and take an active public role by addressing directly the political sphere are mostly theoretical and likely unreasonable. Social capital arguments should not be idealized, and cannot be analyzed in isolation or indepen- dent from the hard realities of the broader socioeconomic institutional con- text in which they are imbedded. The reason that a more public and in-depth display of political participation is not evidenced by the Pentecostal
19
Further research is needed to uncover even the patterns (if any) of the movement’s political leanings. Such data would begin to clarify the current debate in the literature between those more traditional lines of analysis arguing the apathetic nature of Latin American Pentecostals and others who posit that such simplistic assertions may be con- fusing the movement’s political heterogeneity for political non-participation. A recent empir- ical research of considerable substance, and a valuable contribution, may be found in Timothy J. Steigenga, The Politics of the Spirit: The Political Implications of Pentecostalized Religion in Costa Rica and Guatemala (Lanham: Lexington Books, 2001). Another welcome addi- tion is Paul Freston’s Evangelicals and Politics in Asia, Africa, and Latin America(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001).
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Movement (aside from members casting their vote at the ballot box) may be that in many Latin American contexts social capital is simply not enough to gain access to national levels of decision making.
Social Capital Theory and Democracy
While it may seem like a detour to review political theory and reality, it is a necessary process in order for us to assess realistically the breadth and depth of the obstacles encountered by Pentecostals to find their place at the political table. Presently, authentic democracy in most Latin America countries is fundamentally flawed. The complex political realities of emerg- ing democracies are fraught with problems, and the political agenda has not moved much beyond “the minimum rules of the democratic game” (the voter gets to cast a ballot). There is neither coherent accountability nor consistent avenues for representation.
If hopes for bona fide democracy are viewed from a popular Pentecostal perspective—the urban poor, peasants, women, Indians, and ethnic minori- ties—then there is more “bad news than good news.” Employing the “good news, bad news” approach, in an ideal world the “good news” of these incipient democracies would produce an empowered citizenry with sub- stantive access to democratic participation, able to both scrutinize and hold accountable public and private institutions. Citizen oversight and involve- ment would provide transparency and responsiveness on the part of the government’s political apparatus. Political culture argues that it is the “social capital” make-up of civil society that provides fertile soil for demo- cratic development.20
The reality for the overwhelming numbers of Pentecostals is the “bad news” of the immobilization of essential democratic evolutionary processes. Existing but flawed historical structures, coupled with a commitment to a paralyzing ideology that perceives the economic markets and “economic consumption” to be the new panacea, impedes the democratic process. The dark side of globalization and technological diversification, concen- trated in the hands of the most powerful, erodes state legitimacy and excludes the poorest sectors of society, shaping new “absolutist” entities that are seldom responsive or accountable to the citizenry. Further, the entrenchment of premodern but ubiquitous political organizations resists
20
Putnam, Making Democracy Work, 167. For example, see also the writings of Francis Fukuyama, Samuel Huntington, and Larry Diamond.
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any representative impulses at the very time when minimal changes are necessary to have consolidated democracy.
Political optimists are prone to recite a series of evident and prescrip- tive observations. The mantra goes something like this:
Power in the hands of citizens is crucial. Democracies must develop mech- anisms of participation complementary to and compatible with representative institutions. The creation of democratic institutions should be a more inter- active process. Citizens must be allowed to share in activities that will reform institutions and ensure their social and political rights. The future of democracy will rest upon governments’ powers to increase citizen participation.
Who could disagree with such statements, but to what end? Furthermore, modernization theory posits that countries inch closer to democratic devel- opment as they reach “thresholds” of economic development.21 In its sim- plest terms, the theory argues that those countries that are most industrialized and enjoy economic growth are more prone to seeing democratic devel- opment take root.
Both modernization and political social theories, however, struggle to explain the lack of a strong linear relationship to democratic development in Latin America. Too often forgotten or lost within the euphoria of the mere existence of the newly established democracies in Latin America is the appalling lack of the basic accoutrements of civil society. It is exactly here, for example, where the traditional “social capital” argument runs afoul. It is a mistake to identify levels of participation within social net- works as the successful variable instead of recognizing the resiliency of institutional antecedents that still have the power to give life to civil enti- ties or withhold it.22
Discrimination, neglect, and economic disparity are the norm within most Latin American countries. The masses still struggle to obtain their daily bread. The effects of globalization and authoritarian power struc- tures have effectively eliminated lesser groups from participation. In these
21
Arend Lijphart and Carlos H. Waisman, eds., Institutional Design in New Democracies: Eastern Europe and Latin America (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1996); Karen L. Remmer, “New Theoretical Perspectives on Democratization,” in Comparative Politics 28, no. 1 (October 1995): 105; and Robert Dahl, Democracy and Its Critics (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989). For a succinct analysis see John Helliwell, “Empirical Linkages between Democracy and Economic Growth,” NBER Working Paper 4066 (Cambridge, MA.: National Bureau of Economic Research, 1992).
22
Harry E. Vanden and Gary Prevost, Politics of Latin America: The Power Game (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002).
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environments, is it reasonable to propose that there are popular social movements of any stripe powerful enough to insist on their right at the table of inclusion? As most Latin American scholars agree, “history mat- ters” and more specifically institutional legacies matter. In too many Latin America countries, democratization has slowed to a “snail’s pace,” if not stalled outright. Not much has changed within socioeconomic or political society even in the midst of much-heralded democratic reforms (i.e., mar- ket liberalization). National-level institutions, be they political or eco- nomic, are still the “playground” of only a select group of powerbrokers. These democracies increasingly are defined by outside political observers as illiberal.23 The institutional “rules of the game” are written and admin- istered with little input coming from the popular members of civil soci- ety and certainly not Pentecostals! Is it not fair to ask, “What does it matter if a popular social movement (Pentecostalism) has the ability to link itself horizontally, when outside the alternative institutions they have built for themselves, the world of vertical clientelistic relationships still predominate?”
The wave of democratizations in the region remains a theoretical expla- nation. In the same sense, declarations given to Pentecostals of “must do,” “should do,” and “may do” are easy to draft but virtually impossible to implement. Assessments that popular associations “will eventually serve to control public powers more effectively” are likely true. “Eventually” may not, however, occur for a generation.24
If such a gap between the “now and not yet” exists, how should the “value” of social movements like Pentecostalism be perceived in the “here and now”? In societies that have systematically marginalized the popular groups, is it not sufficient to argue that Pentecostal social and religious associations that already proliferate in the landscape in every Latin American nation, and whose activities foster personal identity as well as provide a sense of empowerment, are not also significant fruits of the democratic process? If the definition of civic contribution is understood only in high- level political or state categories, then significant alternative options Pentecostals do have are diminished. As a consequence, society will be deprived of perhaps the only real chance these popular groups might ever have to achieve political representation.
23
Fareed Zakaria, “The Rise of Illiberal Democracy,” Foreign Affairs (November/ December 1997).
24
Augusto Varas, Democratization in Latin America: A Citizen Responsibility, 160.
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Alternative Institutions
If Pentecostal success in Latin America is in some senses assured, it is also precarious. As improbable as these movements were for gathering large followings several decades ago, they must now demonstrate contin- uing leadership in the resolution of severe human problems. In the lead- ership vacuum that the Pentecostals have attempted to fill, only appropriate and effective application of the groups’ energies and resources at strate- gic intervals can sustain their dynamic structure.
I would like to suggest a realistic option: that Pentecostal alternative associations are plausible, practical, and rightful expressions of significant participation in civil society. Indeed, active membership involvement in Pentecostal groups may present an experience rich enough not only to ren- der a critical sense of identity and personal empowerment, but also to pro- duce “value” for civic society. Over the long run, this model of social movement, which already reflects other benefits, may hold out legitimate and evolving possibilities for Pentecostals to effect future change in the very same clientelistic relationships that impede high-level participation in the “here and now.”
Certainly, community-based evangelical/Pentecostal associations are creating their own alternative institutions. They offer spiritual assistance, to be sure, but they also function as instruments of social empowerment. The process of institution-building, community leadership and the active involvement of its followers may enable these associations to break the spell cast over Western political theory that, generally, automatically equates valid social expressions with political action. As alternative institutional organizations committed over the long term to be effective transforming agents in civil society, Pentecostals already have the capacity to attract and hold a following that government entities must soon acknowledge.25
There are numerous cases demonstrating how institution building on the community level has been utilized effectively by evangelicals/Pentecostals to bring about structural change. To cite a specific example, FUNDACION PIEDAD (PIEDAD) is representative of the creation of an expanding evangelical educational infrastructure designed to alter existing social structures in local communities. Following the widespread conviction of
25
The beginning of this capacity can be seen in certain contexts. The fifteenth-anniver- sary celebration of FUNDACION PIEDAD in Nicaragua was held at the National Stadium in Managua on June 30, 2001. The President, Arnoldo Alemán, and numerous government officials attended. Three local television networks transmitted the event.
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sociologists and political analysts, that the positive condition of children— education, nutrition, medical care, and ethical formation—is essential for any kind of democratic expression, PIEDAD has established a unified net- work of three hundred schools in twenty-two nations providing education for 100,000 children.26
FUNDACION PIEDAD not only provides education and healthcare, but, as a result of its local influence, the association has been instrumen- tal in bringing about basic amenities, including electricity, water wells, and/or running water, that impact the entire community. PIEDAD is a prime example of local evangelical/Pentecostal groups, while not intrin- sically politically oriented, creating institutional structures capable of per- forming various educational, community development, social service, or even local political functions.
Institution building and involvement in community associations, and many other forms of civilian participation such as PIEDAD, may serve as an initial entry point providing indispensable political experience on a much smaller and more familiar scale. By joining social or religious com- munity movements, the participants invariably develop a lucid political vocation at the local level, preparing them for future direct involvement in national political life.
Potential of a New Paradigm
In the process of becoming a recognized religious alternative, Pentecostal groups have organized the most extensive network of popularly directed associations outside the Roman Catholic Church. They have already begun to demonstrate their potential for mobilizing large numbers of people, ostensibly in their efforts to extend the evangelical faith, but in the process they are also creating institutional structures.
By developing self-esteem within the impoverished, by providing them hope and by arming them with skills applicable to the larger social sys- tem, Pentecostalism enables participants to take part in the achievement of the larger social struggles for a better life and a more secure future. In their own way, these national Pentecostal networks of largely autonomous local congregations are not merely at the margins, but at the vanguard of
26
The North American version of FUNDACION PIEDAD is Latin America ChildCare (LACC). Doug Petersen, Sr. served as International Coordinator and President of LACC from its founding in 1976 until December 2000.
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a clamor for a more rewarding, secure future. Ultimately, by empowering people who were previously denied a voice, the Pentecostal Movement in Latin America has acquired a revolutionary potential.27
Certainly any hopes of dynamic and effective engagement in creative political reform must move beyond theory to active visible involvement. However, the opportunity for any possible role that Latin American Pentecostals may play on the stage of civic society, in contrast to their collective social marginalization of but a few years past, is a stunning par- adigm shift. Over time, and with much persistence, community-based evan- gelical/Pentecostal associations comprised of millions of grass-roots participants can little by little chisel away the obstinate colonial institu- tional remnants. By creating alternative institutions (social capital and social networks) that by their nature provide critical leadership and polit- ical skills, and from there working out that gargantuan transitional leap from citizenry associations to national political involvement, may not be such a quixotic ideal after all.
27
Martin, Tongues of Fire, 108.
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