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Adam Stewart,The New Canadian Pentecostals(Waterloo, Ontario: Wilfrid Laurier
University Press, 2015). 195 pp. $29.99 paperback.
Census data released by Statistics Canada in 2003 for the period from 1991– 2001revealedthefirsteverdeclineinPentecostalreligiousaffiliationinCanada, showing a 15 percent loss (nearly 67,000 adherents). This dramatic decline was shocking when considering the previous eight decades all recorded Pentecostal growth in Canada, and the 1991 census data indicated an all-time high for Pen- tecostal affiliation. In his book The New Canadian Pentecostals, Adam Stewart wonders why it appears Pentecostalism transitioned from one of the fastest growing to fastest declining denominations in Canada.
Stewart’s hypothesis laid out in chapter one is that the census decrease rep- resents a transformation of religious identity and experience from traditionally Pentecostal to generically Evangelical categories, the “new” Canadian Pente- costalism. He believes the census data does not reflect a decrease in atten- dance nor influence of Pentecostal churches; rather, those who attend simply no longer identify as Pentecostal or with traditional Pentecostal beliefs and practices. To test his hypothesis, Stewart conducts ethnographic research on individual and congregational religiosity in three Pentecostal Assemblies of Canada (PAOC) congregations in the Waterloo, Ontario area. Through inter- views, participant observation, content analysis, material culture, and print material in these congregations, Stewart concludes the census data can be explained by understanding that Canadian Pentecostalism is transforming from traditionally Pentecostal to broadly Evangelical categories with an em- phasis on individualistic, therapeutic spirituality.
Chapter two’s brief introduction to Pentecostalism and Canadian Pente- costal identity proves helpful for those new to the field by providing the con- trast in Stewart’s argument, namely, that one of the most distinct religious identities in Canada has become one of the most generic. As Stewart says, “Prior to recent decades, if you were a Pentecostal, you knew it” (41), whereas many people Stewart interviewed were completely unaware, intentionally avoided, or were even embarrassed of their church’s Pentecostal affiliation (6, 107– 108). Chapter three introduces the three congregations and their pastors and presents a picture of churches and members who are “overwhelmingly gener- ically evangelical in their commitments” with a “low level of commitment to the Pentecostal tradition” (72).
Chapters 4–6 form the core chapters and evidence for Stewart’s hypothe- sis. Chapter four displays the generically Evangelical religious identity of these churches and their adherents through the evidence of “loose, if any” denomi- national linkages, such as the only 7 percent of respondents who would look
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Book Reviews
for a Pentecostal church if they moved (79) or the 86 percent who used a term other than Pentecostal to identify their religious affiliation (86–87). Through his typology of religious identifiers, Stewart shows how “Pentecostal” is not one of the main religious identifiers for these church attendees, nor is it of concern among its pastors (58), thus explaining the census data.
Previous generations of Canadian Pentecostals held strong commitment to threebeliefsandpractices:Spiritbaptism,speakingintongues,anddivineheal- ing. Chapters five and six suggests that although Pentecostal churches have not completely abandoned these defining characteristics and experiences, they have reinterpreted and reframed them to reflect a therapeutic understand- ing of religion more in line with the generic Evangelical subculture. A lack of emphasis, complete unawareness, and downright confusion regarding Spirit baptism and tongues-speech in these Pentecostal churches has led to a “signif- icant departure” from traditional understandings such as subsequence, initial evidence, and empowerment (110, 117). Although members expressed more tra- ditional beliefs and practices regarding divine healing, Stewart uncovers that these experiences are not formed by any special commitment to Pentecostal tradition but rather fits their therapeutic understanding of religion.
Over recent decades, sociologists and scholars have realized the study of reli- gion has suffered from a mentalistic bias. Therefore, there has been a shift in focus from ideas to practices, theologies to rituals, religious elites to ordinary people, and ascribed to achieved religious identities. In sum, “lived religion”— the religious behavior of lay people—is seen as more important for under- standing religion than official statements by churches, denominations, or the- ologians. One of Stewart’s main contributions is to remind readers of this important truth. For example, he shows how one church’s statement of faith “describes a congregation that does not exist” (59). Pentecostal churches may be growing, but that does not mean distinctive Pentecostal beliefs are being practiced or encouraged, thus the census decrease. Although Stewart still leans to a degree on ideas and statements, he shows how religion “on the ground” does not always match such statements. His ethnographic descriptions of the three churches and detailed interviews concerning members’ beliefs and prac- tices are enjoyable and informative reading.
The loosening ties of formal religion and “pattern of homogenization” Stew- art describes posits an important question: what does it mean to be Pente- costal? (137). Stewart’s study is really a question of modern (Canadian) Pen- tecostal identity which will be of interest to sociologists, theologians, scholars, pastors, denominational leaders, and lay people alike. The loss of distinctive- ness in Pentecostal churches and “evangelicalization of Pentecostalism” is a topic mostly ignored in Canadian Pentecostalism (8). Although the discov-
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ery that people no longer describe their religious commitments in traditional denominational terms is nothing new, this thesis had yet to be proven for Cana- dian Pentecostalism. What Stewart leaves to be determined (likely on purpose) is whether or not this is a positive or negative development for Pentecostalism in Canada. If his description of privatization of religious belief and therapeutic tendencies in Pentecostal churches rings true, what does it mean for congrega- tional identity and Pentecostalism’s potential for prophetic stances on social issues, a previous hallmark of the Pentecostal movement?
Despite these important and original contributions, the limitations of Stew- art’s conclusions are quite glaring, some of which he defends (10–12). This “admittedly small case study” is “limited to just three racially homogenous con- gregations located only thirty minutes apart” (108, 169). To allow three mostly white congregations from one region to speak for or represent “The New Cana- dian Pentecostals” is perhaps a bit bold since by his own admission he does not prove his findings are true on a national scale (166). Perhaps a more appro- priate and less ambitious title would be The New Ontarian Pentecostals (With Possible Implications for Canadian Pentecostalism). Having pastored in a PAOC church in a west coast city with the highest immigrant population in Canada, I do not always identify with Stewart’s descriptions or conclusions. Many immi- grants from the dozens of nations represented in our church attended precisely becausethey identified as Pentecostal and because we had “Pentecostal” in our church name.
Stewart’s narrow emphasis upon only three defining Pentecostal beliefs and practices also limits his study and conclusions. His particular decision to leave out “soon coming king” from the Pentecostal four-fold gospel as not distinct to Pentecostalism is curious, even though he seeks to defend it (42). This could have potentially changed some of his conclusions as several churches did dis- play eschatological urgency, such as one church’s brief statement of faith which concluded with “JESUS IS COMING AGAIN!” (56–57). Despite these limitations, Stewart holds to a “firm suspicion that a significant transformation is currently taking place within Canadian Pentecostalism” (170), and it is hard to disagree with him based on his evidence.
Joseph Lee Dutko
University of Birmingham, Birmingham, United Kingdom [email protected]
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