59
Jay Beaman,
Pentecostal
Pacifism:
The
Origins, Development
and Rejection of Pacific Belief among
the Pentecostals
(Hillsboro, Kansas: Center for Mennonite Brethren
Studies, 1989),
142
pp. $10.00 paper.
Reviewed
by Murray
W.
Dempster
Even
though Jay
Beaman came from a Pentecostal
background,
he was
surprised when,
as a student at North American
Baptist Seminary in
1980,
he first learned .about the
pacifism
that was
part
of his own religious
tradition in its formative
years.
His
curiosity
to discover the facts about this
forgotten heritage
led him to an
independent study which
expanded
in short time into an M.Div. thesis written under Professor
Stephen
Brachlow. After
completing
the thesis in
1982, Beaman’s academic interest in
pacifism
was further fueled
by
his faculty appointment
at Tabor
College
in Hillsboro, Kansas, a Mennon- ite Brethren liberal arts
college closely
associated with the
publisher
of this book.
Pentecostal
Pacifism
is the
slightly
revised
publication
of Beaman’s masters thesis. The substance of the book benefits in
targeted
areas from Beaman’s
conceptual
refinements and his use of
secondary
stud- ies
published subsequent
to his
thesis, particularly
the work of
Roger Robins on pacifism in the Assemblies of God and of Cecil M.
Robeck, Jr. on the
thought
of Frank Bartleman. Aside from these
updates
and a stronger,
more
engaging literary style,
Beaman has left the overall conceptual
framework,
chapter divisions,
content and main
argument almost
entirely
intact from his earlier thesis. The
publication
of Pente- costal
Pacifism, therefore, represents
a culmination of Beaman’s own personal
and academic association with
Pentecostal, Baptist
and Men- ‘ nonite Brethren institutions and traditions over the
past
decade. The
purpose
of Beaman’s
study
is to trace and
interpret
the
change that has occurred
during
this
century
in the Pentecostal view and
prac- tice of pacifism. After
sketching
the
story
of “the
origins, development and
rejection
of
pacific
belief
among
the
Pentecostals,”
Beaman addresses the critical
question
that rests at the heart of his
inquiry:
“… have Pentecostals altered their
pacific
views as a result of new Biblical insights
or cultural accommodation?”
(viii).
In
light
of the lack of an explicitly developed
biblical rationale to
justify
the shift in
position concerning military
service
among
Pentecostals and the
presence
oi historical factors which can be identified to account for this
change, Beaman
gives
the nod to cultural accommodation as the better
expla- nation for the loss of Pentecostal
pacifism.
Beaman deserves
high praise
for this
pioneering
and
thought-provok- ing interpretation
of Pentecostal
pacifism.
The careful documentation from the
original
sources of the various forms and
expressions
of early
.
1
60
Pentecostal importance divided among views-provides sources, Beaman’s
study
seling young people science,
or
being
humiliated
during
Wilson
declaring.the that the
A/G position whole,
pacifist
Pentecostal
pacifist
in and of
itself,
the
long-term scholarship.
A bibliography-
letters, minutes and inter-
refusing
to use church
church was
“officially”
a
which it was not. Such
of
early
qualifications,
Beaman’s
pacifism
should establish,
of this
study
for Pentecostal
books, articles,
pamphlets,
a
goldmine
of sources for the reader. From these
makes clear that
many early Pentecostals, both at the levels of leadership and at the
grassroots, paid
a steep price for their
uncompromising pacifistic
convictions at the hands of their own
governments.
The details of Pentecostals
facilities to sell
Liberty
Bonds to
support
the war
effort,
or
preaching from the
pulpit against
an
unqualified
American
patriotism,
or coun-
about the moral
obligations
of Christian con-
in the
military camps
because
they refused noncombatant service are culled out of the archives of
history and
brought
to life in a
compelling
manner. The facts uncovered are captivating
and Beaman also narrates the
story
well.
Balance is another virtue of Beaman’s
study.
Beaman
rightly points out that from the
beginning
the Pentecostal attitude toward a Chris- tian’s
participation
in
military
service was not a unified one. Even
World War I when the Executive
Presbytery
of the Assemblies of God
(A/G)
sent its now famous resolution to President Woodrow
A/G to be a
pacifist
church and later indicated
represented
the Pentecostal Movement as a
Beaman notes that a pluralism of positions existed
among
Pen- tecostals on the
morality
of
participating
in the war. Beaman thus distinquishes
the fact that the Pentecostal
church from the fact that the Pentecostal church was a mono- lithic
body
of pacifist churches and individuals,
a distinction instructs his readers to
develop
an
understanding
sentiment that is
properly
nuanced and
appropri- ately qualified.
the
backdrop
of these balanced
for the loss of
pacifistic
belief
among
Pente- costals makes
good
sense. No
doubt,
as Beaman
argues,
the rise in social and economic status
among Pentecostals,
surrounding
World War II, the
leadership
role of the A/G and its mem-
in the National Association of
Evangelicals,
chaplaincy
changing
the attitudes and beliefs about the church’s earlier “official”
no future studies
explaining
in the
position
will be considered without
addressing
that Beaman has so skillfully
brought together.
Not
only
has Beaman’s
interpretation
shed new
light
on the nature of
pacifism,
but as John Howard Yoder notes in his foreword
Beaman has also laid the foundations for
important future
analyses.
The
greatest
contribution of Beaman’s
study may
turn
Against sociological
explanation
bership tionalization
of the Pentecostal
pacifism. Certainly church’s
factors
pentecostal to the
volume,
the “moral” aura
and the institu- all
played major
roles in
this
change
adequate
the
2
61
out to be the future research into this
subject
which his work
hopefully will stimulate. Three such areas which arise out of Beaman’s exami-
nation can be readily identified for further
investigation.
First,
the
question
of the
origins
of
pacifism among
Pentecostals needs more
in-depth
and broader
exploration.
Beaman locates the origins
of Pentecostal
pacifism
in two
major religious
movements of the late nineteenth and
early
twentieth
century:
the Holiness Move- ment and the Reformed
Evangelical
Movement. Given his
purpose, Beaman
properly
restricts his
analysis
of the roots of Pentecostal
paci- fism
only
to the essential
background
information
necessary
to contex- tualize his
study historically.
As a consequence, the causal connections between Pentecostal
pacifism
and its twin roots in the Holiness and the Reformed
Evangelical
Movements are
suggested largely
on the basis of
ideological compatibility.
Critical work that traces these
pacifistic roots
historically
remains an
important
task. An
analogous
task suggested by
Beaman’s
study
is to
identify
the similarities and differ- ences between Holiness
pacifism
and Reformed
Evangelical pacifism and to demonstrate how these two sources
converged together,
if
they did, to influence
the
adoption
of pacifism among Pentecostals. Other candidates that need to be
investigated
as potential sources of Pentecostal
pacifism
are the broader Fundamentalist movement- Beaman’s “Reformed
Evangelical” category only
includes the
.
‘
Plymouth
Brethren church and its offshoots as well as the
thought
of D. L.
Moody-the Quaker
movement and the
populist
movement. The Quaker connection,
while
probably
the most
enigmatic
to track,
may shed some
light
on the content and the
language-use
found in the 1917 pacifism
statement, a statement
which was
subsequently justified by the claim of the A/G
leadership
that “from the
very beginning
the movement has been characterized
by Quaker principles” (Weekly Evangel,
4 August
1917, 6).
A
Quaker
source for
pacifism may
have moved
imperceptively
into Pentecostalism
through
the
personal religious
histories of several of the more influential Pentecostal leaders. Frank
Bartleman,
the most prolific
writer on
pacifism among Pentecostals,
had a mother who nurtured him in the
Quaker
faith. Charles Fox Parham had his earlier pacifism
reinforced and
deepened by
his
marriage
to Orah Thistlewaite who had a sturdy
Quaker family heritage.
Arthur
Sydney
Booth-Clib- bom in the third edition of Blood
Against Blood
traced his own
pacifist heritage
back to the conversion of John Clibbom to the
Quaker
faith in 1658
(Appendix
C, 166-176). Booth-Clibbom’s book, as Beaman
him- self notes, was
constantly promoted
for Pentecostal
consumption
in both Word and Witness and The
Weekly Evangel.
Arthur
passed
on his Quaker-based pacifism
to his son Samuel H. Booth-Clibbom whose own Pentecostal
pacifistic writings-not
cited
by
Beaman in his book-appeared
in The
Weekly Evangel (“The
Christian and
War,”
28
–
.
3
62
April 1917,
5 and 19
May 1917, 4-5)
and in his
booklet, Should A
Christian
Fight?
An
Appeal
to Christian
Young
Men
of
all Nations
(Swengal,
PA: Bible Truth
Depot, n.d.,
circa
1918).
These
biographi-
cal
details,
when
coupled
with the
explicit
reference to “Quaker
prin-
ciples”
in the
justification
for
pacifism
formulated
by
denominational
leaders, suggest
that the
feasibility
of a Quaker
origin for,
or at least a
shaping
influence
on,
Pentecostal
pacifism
stands in need of further
research and
investigation.
.
Second,
the
question
of how
representative pacifistic
belief was of
the
early
Pentecostal movement as a whole needs reassessment.
Beaman’s main thesis
presupposes
the
veracity
of his assertion that
pacifism
was the
majority
view in Pentecostal circles
through
World
War I and the interwar
years.
On the face of
it,
Beaman’s assertion
appears
incontestable. The
general
consensus of Pentecostal scholar-
ship concerning
the truthfulness of this
grants
it a prima facie status.
Further,
the 1917
pacifist
Statement
by the Executive Presbytery
of the
A/G was
later
justified
on the basis that
pacifism
was the
position
of
the Pentecostal movement as a whole.
Moreover,
the literature of the
period demonstrates,
as Beaman
adeptly shows,
that
pacifism pervaded
all branches of the Pentecostal movement.
But even
so, something
is not
quite
kosher in this
portrayal
of a
majority pacifist
movement
shifting
to a non-pacifist movement within
such a short
period
of
time, especially
in
light
of the
intensity
with
which the
pacfists
held their convictions on this matter. Here are but a
few
problems.
The claim
by
the A/G
leadership
that its 1917 statement
represented
the
pacifistic
character of the Pentecostal movement as a
whole is
demonstrably hyperbolic
based on Beaman’s own research
into the broad
range
of
perspectives
that existed on this issue at the
very
time the statement was issued. Under both the
press
of deadlines
imposed by
the Federal Government and the conditions established
by
the
Congress
for
religious
denominations to qualify their members for
Conscientious
Objectors status,
the A/G executives
registered
the
denomination as a pacifist church. This
action, therefore,
was
politi-
cally necessary
to protect those Pentecostals who were
pacifists
from
military
service.
Accordingly,
the statement
itself,
and the rationales
developed
to justify
it, may
not
provide
faithful measures to determine
the
degree
of
pacifistic
sentiment which characterized the movement
as a whole.
.
,
More
critically,
the
pacifist writings
which Beaman
exposits
exude an
advocacy
character.
They
were written to persuade their readers to adopt
a pacifistic
point
of view not to elucidate an
accepted position. The character and function of this
corpus
of
pacifist literature,
not merely
their
contents,
should not be
glossed
over
lightly.
When these factors are
coupled
with Bartleman’s
eyewitness
accounts of how the war
spirit
invaded the Pentecostal churches
during
the
war,
a fresh
” –
.
4
63
appraisal
of whether
pacifism
was ever a position held
by
a majority of Pentecostals
may
seem more warranted that at first
suggestion; Bartleman minced no words once the war was over to declare his view that the war had robbed the church of her
“pilgrim
role”
[“Christian Citizenship,”
tract
(circa 1922), 2]
and that
during
the war “the Pente- costal failed to stand
by
the Lord”
[“War
and the
Christian,”
tract (circa 1922), 4].
Perhaps
the
change
of pacifistic belief in the Pentecostal
movement, particularly
in the
A/G,
should be
conceptualized differently
from the way
Beaman
suggests.
Given the
political
nature of the 1917 state- ment,
the
advocacy
character of the
pacifist
literature and the
eye- witness
appraisal
of
pacifists
like
Bartleman,
the
change
in the Pente- costal
position
on
military
service
may
make more sense if
explained in terms of the loss of a prophetic minority of
pacifists
who were not able to sustain their numbers due to the
very
factors of cultural accommodation cited
by
Beaman. With the demise of this
prophetic minority
over time,
sustaining
the “official”
pacifist position
became a mute
point.
Because the data on
early
Pentecostal
pacifism
are mixed and fit
reasonably
within different frameworks of
interpretation,
the issue of whether or not
pacifism
was the
position
held
by
a majority of Pentecostals needs further evaluation.
Third,
the
question
of whether a distinctive “social
reality”
called “Pentecostal
pacifism”
ever existed needs to be addressed. A meta- ethical
analysis
aimed at
articulating
the
theological grounds
used
by the
pacifist
leaders to justify their views
might
demonstrate that there was no unified set of
theological
and ethical ideas which can be meaningfully
labelled as “Pentecostal
pacifism.”
Arthur Booth-Clib- bom’s “ethical humanitarian”
pacifism grounded
in the doctrines of Creation and
Redemption
is
radically
different from the “sectarian” pacifism
of
Stanley
Frodsham
grounded
in an
other-worldly
eschatol- ogy.
Samuel H. Booth-Clibbom’s
“dispensationalist” pacifism,
reflec- tive of Fundamentalist
thinking,
shows little
theological affinity
with the
“populist”
vision
encapsulated
in the
pacifism
of Charles
Parham, which echoed a view of human
history
more characteristic of Social Gospel thinking.
In a uniquely strident
tone,
Frank Bartleman’s
“pro- phetic” pacifism, grounded theologically
in an understanding of human sinfulness and of the
universality
of the
Gospel, provided
a moral critique
of the structural evil that war
represented
and
perpetuated. Although overlapping
ideas
among
these
pacifists
can be
found,
the diversity
of the
theological frameworks,
doctrines and ideas which they
used to justify their
respective types
of pacifism may
suggest
that there
really
was no
ideological configuration
held in common
among them which can be
meaningfully designated
as “Pentecostal
pacifism” at all.
Perhaps,
then,
in addition to the factors of cultural accommoda- tion cited
by Beaman, pacifism disappeared among
Pentecostals
5
64
because these
pacifists
never established a
theologically-informed ethical
heritage
to
perpetuate
their
pacifistic
beliefs to
subsequent generations.
Their
eschatologically-driven
world
view, which Beaman succintly outlines, may
have been
chiefly responsible
for this inatten- tion to theological reflection.
Beaman’s book
provokes
such crucial
questions, lays
the foundation for further academic work and
provides
a creative
interpretation
of pacifism among
Pentecostals. Without
question,
Pentecostal
Pacifism will become the standard benchmark for future
study
on this
subject.
I heartily
recommend it to
anyone looking
for a
comprehensive
over- view of this
fascinating chapter
of Pentecostal
history.
Murray
W.
Dempster,
Professor College,
Costa Mesa, California.
of Social
Ethics,
Southern California
6
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